Professor Hendrik Vos on the strength of Europe: “You can compromise on anything—except diversity”
Studies have already amply demonstrated that well-funded and well-organized far-right and ultra-Catholic lobbies are targeting our hard-won democratic rights. The same is true of the United States, which has made it an official policy to impose its will on Europe—which, according to Trump and his allies, is already too liberal. Can Europe stand firm against all this lobbying to protect our community? Is far-right influence creeping into the Union? Or was what happened in Hungary just a hiccup? Antwerp Pride asks Hendrik Vos, a professor in the Department of Political Science at Ghent University and director of the Center for EU Studies.
“To answer those questions, you have to distinguish between short-term and long-term trends. There are indeed numerous signs that certain issues are coming under pressure. But in the longer term, there are reasons to be optimistic,” Hendrik Vos begins. “During major crises, European leaders do realize what’s at stake and ultimately manage to make decisions to reverse certain negative trends. In that respect, the European project is more resilient than it might seem. But at the same time, studying history has taught me that there’s always a great deal of unpredictability. To say that, by definition, everything will turn out fine is more wishful thinking than science.”
A study by the Clingendael Institute states that the MAGA movement’s lobbying efforts are already in full swing, particularly in the Netherlands but also throughout the rest of Europe. Are these trends already noticeable?
“It’s no secret that far-right parties are on the rise. We’ll have to see if that trend continues. The far right has also grown significantly stronger in the European Parliament, and their platforms often closely align with what Trump is saying. Trump also says quite shamelessly that he will support those kinds of movements and parties. At the same time, even if you just look at the European Parliament, you see significant internal divisions among those kinds of parties and their political groups. There are the Patriots for Europe (PFE), which includes Vlaams Belang. Then there is Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN), which includes, for example, Germany’s AfD. Even within the group to which the N-VA belongs—the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)—there are a number of far-right parties. Among the Christian Democrats, there are also a number of parties that lean heavily toward the far right or, at the very least, the radical right. It’s not as if there’s a single, clear vision among those far-right parties. That makes it difficult to simply say, “There’s one big MAGA wave that will sweep across Europe.” Because before we know it, they’ll be fighting among themselves. And that, of course, undermines their effectiveness. I’m also not sure if getting Trump’s support is really a gift. Trump has a small number of loyal supporters in Europe who cheer on his boorish behavior and rail against everything. But I think the group that doesn’t care for Trump is many times larger. And that’s why many of those far-right parties still keep a certain distance from him. In any case, it certainly didn’t win Viktor Orbán an election.”
In our country, there is a cordon sanitaire that is holding for the time being. But many elements of the Vlaams Blok’s infamous 70-point plan have since been adopted by other parties. Is such a scenario also looming within Europe?
“When it comes to migration, for example, you can see that the fear of refugees ‘overwhelming’ us was, to some extent, stoked. All the fear that arose around this issue—and which was taken up by a number of more centrist parties—has led to those policies becoming very restrictive. And a lot of money is indeed being spent on those restrictive policies. But that doesn’t mean this is the case in every policy area. When it comes to climate policy, for example, you see that we in Europe continue to go a lot further. So it varies greatly from one policy area to another and depends on the willingness of centrist parties to adopt—or not adopt—the narrative of the far right. Moreover, I think that when it comes to asylum and migration, it’s a strategic mistake for a number of centrist parties to go along with that.”
In our LGBTQI+ community, we recently saw that the ban on conversion therapy was on the agenda. The N-VA abstained, and Vlaams Belang voted against it.
“I think this is a strategic choice on the part of the N-VA, and they don’t want to talk about it too much. That way, they can say, ‘Of course we’re against conversion therapy, but Europe shouldn’t dictate this to us.’ I suspect they’re trying to retain a portion of their ultra-conservative voters that way. Things like this are part of the classic political game.”
Can Europe further strengthen the democratic values we stand for in this context?
“Yes, and this is important. There is an incredible amount of diversity within the European Union. Within member states and between them, there are different histories, cultures, economic conditions, countries with different priorities and sensitivities, and societies that are traditionally more conservative than progressive. That diversity isn’t a problem. On the contrary, it’s something to be cherished. It’s often a source of strength and significant progress. But if you want to formulate democratic policies together, this means that, ultimately, you’re always working toward compromises. It means accepting that there are others who may share your opinion, but also that there are differing viewpoints—and that those people may have a valid point as well. That’s how you arrive at European compromises, which are often reached in the middle of the night after a lot of hard work and deliberation—and which don’t always look pretty. But at the same time, I think there’s a beauty in that, too. You accept that diversity and try to work with it. The entire system is based on that idea. Sticking to the compromise is something you must do without compromise. But you must never compromise on diversity. If a government starts suppressing freedom of the press or something similar, then you’re gnawing away at the very DNA of the EU concept. That’s a danger. That’s the worm that starts to hollow everything out from the inside, and you have to take resolute action against it.”
And is Europe taking decisive enough action?
“Sometimes there’s a certain nonchalance that can be dangerous. The idea that ‘we don’t think this is okay, but we just have to ride out this or that leader for now, and things will work out.’ We noticed that with Orbán at a certain point. You see that someone like that is in danger of gaining followers and that the ‘waiting it out’ phase takes longer than we initially thought. Taking action then often turns out to be more difficult as well. Orbán always had a few friends here and there who supported him and blocked sanctions. Eventually, there’s a realization that we can’t just keep letting this happen, and people start looking for ways—creatively and by improvising—to rein it in a bit. But it could be a bit more resolute. Because this really does concern the very foundation of the entire project.”
Europe has already taken measures against the major U.S. tech companies, which are said to influence young people. Are we on the right track?
“The fact that this is on the agenda, that it’s being discussed, and that there’s outrage about it—I think that’s a positive thing. Because it means we don’t accept this. But regulating the internet is just incredibly difficult. I don’t think there are any ready-made answers. You certainly have leverage over these companies. They can’t afford to pull out of Europe. We’re a market of 450 million relatively affluent consumers. Those tech companies generate a large portion of their profits here in Europe and can’t afford to lose that. That gives Europe leverage. That’s democracy, too. If we want to regulate things, we should just do it and not back down just because Trump or a few business leaders don’t like it. Recent events also prove that you can simply stand your ground. Europe is good at that, and that can only give us hope.”